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U.S. Quietly Issues First Licenses to Scrap Iran-Sanctioned Ships While Threatening New Sanctions Over Hormuz Tolls

The Trump administration made two quiet but consequential moves on Iran sanctions enforcement in recent weeks that reveal a coordinated strategy.
On one hand, the Treasury Department's Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) issued licenses in April allowing Dubai-based ship recycler GMS to legally purchase and scrap four sanctioned vessels tied to an Iranian shipping network. On the other hand, OFAC issued a separate alert on May 1 warning shippers worldwide that paying Iran's new Strait of Hormuz transit tolls could expose them to sanctions.
Together, they signal Washington is trying to shrink the shadow fleet from both ends — eliminating old ships while cutting off new revenue streams.
The Scrapping Licenses: What Actually Happened
GMS CEO Anil Sharma confirmed to Bloomberg that his company received the first U.S. permits to purchase and scrap sanctioned vessels — specifically four container ships: the Yogi, the Timon, the Rantanplan, and the Bigli.
All four were named in a Treasury Department notice last July, according to Bloomberg, targeting the shipping network of Mohammad Hossein Shamkhani — whose father served as a senior adviser to former Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khamenei.
The Wall Street Journal first reported the licenses. They were issued in April.
Nearly 1,840 vessels worldwide are currently under sanctions, per data from Clarksons Research. Many are old, poorly maintained, underinsured, and operating under flags of convenience. They keep sailing illegally because there's no legal way to dispose of them. Sanctions trap them in legal limbo, but don't sink them.
Maritime intelligence firm Lloyd's List told Newsmax this could be "the first of many" such licenses, if Washington decides controlled demolition beats leaving these ships trading on black markets indefinitely.
The Hormuz Toll Threat: A Separate but Connected Fight
Meanwhile, OFAC published an alert on May 1 warning the maritime industry that paying Iran for "safe passage" through the Strait of Hormuz would likely constitute a sanctions violation — for U.S. companies outright, and potentially for non-U.S. companies as well, per the BBC.
Iran has been collecting tolls from ships transiting the strait since the war began in February. Hamidreza Haji Bababei, deputy speaker of Iran's Parliament, publicly claimed last week that the first toll revenue had been deposited with Iran's Central Bank — though the BBC noted it could NOT independently verify the amount, collection method, or who paid.
OFAC's warning is broad. It covers not just cash, but "digital assets, offsets, informal swaps, or other in-kind payments" — even charitable donations and payments made at Iranian embassies.
Traffic through Hormuz has dropped sharply since the war began, according to BBC reporting. Only a handful of vessels are making the transit daily.
Two Strategies, One Target
Most outlets are covering the scrapping licenses and the Hormuz toll warning as completely unrelated stories. They operate in tandem.
Both are designed to put a hard ceiling on Iranian oil revenue and shadow fleet capacity. The scrapping licenses drain the pool of sanctioned ships by giving owners a legal exit. The Hormuz toll sanctions warning blocks Iran from monetizing the geographic chokehold it still holds over global energy shipping.
Iran is trying to turn the strait itself into a revenue stream. The U.S. is saying: pay that toll and you're next on the sanctions list.
A critical unanswered question: who already paid the toll? Iran's deputy parliamentary speaker says the money hit the Central Bank. OFAC didn't name a specific company. The BBC couldn't verify the claim. That's a major open question sitting in a black hole of accountability.
The Shadow Fleet Problem Isn't Going Away
The 1,840-vessel number deserves more attention than it's getting. The global shadow fleet — built up over years of Iran AND Russia sanctions — is now an environmental and security liability, not just a trade enforcement problem.
Many of these ships are aging tankers operating with minimal insurance, no proper maintenance records, and ownership structures designed to obscure accountability. A major spill or maritime incident involving a sanctioned vessel is a question of when, not if.
Allowing GMS to legally scrap four ships isn't going to solve that. But it establishes a legal mechanism that didn't exist before. If OFAC scales this up — and Lloyd's List thinks it might — you could see dozens of vessels removed from circulation through controlled demolition rather than indefinite illicit operation.
That represents a shift in enforcement strategy from pure prohibition with no exit valve.
What Comes Next
The administration is simultaneously tightening the noose and offering a narrow release valve. Cut off Iran's toll revenue, shrink the sanctioned fleet legally, and squeeze the shadow network from both ends.
Whether it works depends entirely on enforcement — and on finding out who already cut a check to Tehran for Hormuz passage. That name hasn't come out yet. When it does, that's the real story.