Third Time's Not the Charm

The House voted 212-212 on Thursday, May 14, on a war powers resolution that would have forced President Trump to obtain congressional authorization before continuing military operations against Iran. It was the third failed attempt.

Rep. Josh Gottheimer, D-N.J., introduced the measure.

Who Crossed the Aisle

Three House Republicans voted with Democrats: Rep. Thomas Massie of Kentucky, Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick of Pennsylvania, and Rep. Tom Barrett of Michigan.

On the other side, Rep. Jared Golden of Maine was the only Democrat to vote against it. When a party loses a member of its own caucus on a signature vote, cracks in the coalition show.

Rep. Warren Davidson of Ohio shifted his position. He voted FOR the earlier March resolution. He voted present in April. On Thursday he voted AGAINST it. A former Army Ranger, Davidson changed course between votes. Stars and Stripes reported the flip. The congressman has not publicly explained the change.

Senate Already Did This — Also Failed

This House vote came one day after the Senate's own war powers effort collapsed 49-50. Three Senate Republicans also broke with their party there.

In the span of 48 hours: both chambers tried, both failed.

The Pentagon's Position on Congressional Authority

Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth told Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, during a Tuesday hearing that Trump has "all the authorities" he needs to restart a bombing campaign against Iran.

Hegseth did NOT say the administration would seek a formal Authorization for Use of Military Force. He appeared to indicate the opposite. According to Stars and Stripes, that statement came in response to Murkowski's direct questioning.

The Ceasefire Clock Trick

Trump notified Congress more than a week ago that hostilities with Iran had ended. The administration's legal argument: that notification resets — or stops — the 60-day statutory deadline under the War Powers Resolution that would require congressional authorization to continue fighting.

The White House is essentially arguing the ceasefire declaration buys them a clean slate if they want to resume strikes. Congress never voted to authorize this war. The administration is threading a needle: declare it over, pocket the legal reset, and reserve the right to start again.

Civilian Casualties — The Military's Position

Meanwhile, Admiral Brad Cooper, a top U.S. commander, dismissed reports of civilian casualties from the campaign, according to the New York Times. Cooper said a strike on an Iranian school may have been the only civilian casualty incident of the entire war.

The U.S. military is essentially saying: near-zero civilian harm in a bombing campaign against Iran. These assessments deserve independent verification — not acceptance at face value. The Pentagon has institutional incentives to minimize casualty figures.

Left-leaning outlets have been aggressive on civilian casualty claims. Right-leaning outlets have largely ignored them. The contested nature of these numbers reflects broader disagreements about the campaign's conduct.

What's Actually Being Decided

This isn't a debate about whether the Iran strikes were justified. Reasonable people disagree on that.

This is about a foundational constitutional question: does the president alone get to decide when America goes to war?

The Founders said no. The War Powers Resolution of 1973 said no. Yet here we are — three votes in two chambers, all failing to assert Congress's basic authority.

Republicans who privately have doubts keep voting to hand this president a blank check. Democrats are using this as a political weapon as much as a constitutional stand.

What This Means

The U.S. went to war with Iran. Congress never voted for it. The ceasefire may or may not hold. The Pentagon has told senators Trump can restart bombing whenever he wants.

If this administration decides to resume strikes — tomorrow, next month, next year — Congress will have had three chances to weigh in and failed every time.